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Voting for radical right-wing parties has been associated most strongly with national identity threats. In Europe, this has been framed by the radical right in terms of mass-migration and European integration, or other politicians bargaining away national interests. Perhaps surprisingly given the radical right's nationalist ideology, nationalistic attitudes are hardly included in empirical research on the voting behaviour. In this contribution, we test to what extent various dimensions of nationalistic attitudes affect radical right voting, next to the earlier and new assessed effects of perceived ethnic threat, social distance to Muslims, Euroscepticism and political distrust. The findings show that national identification, national pride and an ethnic conception of nationhood are additional explanations of radical right voting. National identification's effect on radical right voting is found to be stronger when populations on average perceive stronger ethnic threat.

Voting for radical right-wing parties has been associated most strongly with national identity threats. In Europe, this has been framed by the radical right in terms of mass-migration and European integration, or other politicians bargaining away national interests. Perhaps surprisingly given the radical right's nationalist ideology, nationalistic attitudes are hardly included in empirical research on the voting behaviour. In this contribution, we test to what extent various dimensions of nationalistic attitudes affect radical right voting, next to the earlier and new assessed effects of perceived ethnic threat, social distance to Muslims, Euroscepticism and political distrust. The findings show that national identification, national pride and an ethnic conception of nationhood are additional explanations of radical right voting. National identification's effect on radical right voting is found to be stronger when populations on average perceive stronger ethnic threat.

This chapter considers whether strong positive attitudes toward the ethnic ingroup of a given nation are related to strong exclusionist reactions to ethnic outgroups, a phenomenon defined as ethnocentrism or chauvinistic nationalism. The presence of this relation is comparatively examined among 22 countries, based on 1990s survey data. The primary aim is to discern whether the extent to which various dimensions of nationalist attitudes were related to various dimensions of exclusionist reactions differed systematically by socioeconomic population group & country, or whether these interrelations were universal & invariant, both within & across countries. The findings indicate a relatively strong relation between chauvinistic nationalism & resistance to immigrants, & this relation appears to be universal. Tables. J. Stanton

Die Fragestellung der Untersuchung lautet: In welchem Ausmaß wirken sich Perioden- und Kohortenmerkmale neben individuellen Merkmalen auf die Ablehnung der sozialen Integration von Ausländern aus? Auf theoretischer Ebene liegt der Untersuchung die Theorie des ethnischen Konflikts zugrunde, auf empirischer Ebene sind es die ALLBUS-Daten der Jahre 1980 bis 2000. Die Ergebnisse zeigen insgesamt einen allgemeinen Rückgang der Ablehnung sozialer Integration, unterbrochen durch einen kurzen Anstieg zwischen 1994 und 1996. Relativ starke Unterschiede zeigten sich zwischen einzelnen Geburtskohorten. Eine relativ starke Ablehnung gegenüber der Integration zeigen Personen mit einer ähnlichen sozialen Position wie ethnische Minderheiten und Menschen mit geringerer Bildung. Im städtischen Umfeld lebende Menschen sowie Menschen mit sozialen Kontakten zu Ausländern erweisen sich als offener gegenüber der Integration. Zwischen dem Ausländeranteil in den prägenden Jahren einer Geburtskohorte und der aktuellen Haltung gegenüber Ausländern besteht eine kurvilineare Beziehung. In Hinblick auf Periodenmerkmale zeigt sich, dass eine starke Ablehnung der sozialen Integration von Ausländern nicht mit einer hohen Arbeitslosen- oder Immigrationsquote verbunden ist, sondern mit einem Anstieg dieser Quoten in jüngster Zeit. (ICE2)

In most studies on ethnic attitudes, a rather strong negative relationship has been found between educational attainment and positive ingroup attitudes (or negative outgroup attitudes). However, it is not well known to what extent this educational effect varies across different national contexts. This study investigated the effect of education on different dimensions of nationalism and ethnic exclusionism with the use of 1995 survey data gathered in 22 countries. Notions from socialization theory were used to test whether the educational effect varies according to the length of liberal‐democratic tradition and the degree of religious heterogeneity within a country. Results indicate that educational attainment is strongly related to ethnic exclusionism as well as chauvinism, but not to patriotism. Moreover, the effect of education on ethnic exclusionism is smaller in recently established democracies. The hypothesis regarding stronger educational effects in societies with more religious heterogeneity was not supported.